Shadowy Aspects of the United Europe Project

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Shadowy Aspects of the United Europe Project
« on: April 01, 2014, 04:17:50 PM »


ONLINE JOURNAL     24.10.2012 | 00:00


Shadowy Aspects of the United Europe Project

The suspiciously synchronous rise of separatism in Europe – the triumph of confederation-minded Flemish nationalists at the municipal elections in Belgium, the March Towards Independence and other demonstrations of assertiveness by Catalan nationalists bracing for snap regional elections in Spain, the preparations, in the framework of the October 15 Edinburgh Agreement, for an independence referendum in Scotland – promise to plunge the economically embattled Europe into serious political destabilization. Pushing Europe deeper into the Balkan-style disarray appears to be a carefully planned policy pursued by Brussels with the goal of eventually getting rid of the European nation-states, with their governance responsibilities to be intercepted by a heterogeneous alliance of regional-level authorities and transnational groups. The shift is clearly supposed to further empower the global financial elite, and the ideology behind it can be traced back to the man who originally championed the European integration – the Pan-Europa movement founder Richard Nikolaus Eijiro von Coudenhove-Kalergi (1894 – 1972). The underlying principles of Coudenhove-Kalergi's project deserve to be recited in the context.

1. Coudenhove-Kalergi saw the hypothetic United States of Europe as the sixth European unification project, a democratic one to be, in a remote sense, built on the legacies of the empires of Alexander of Macedon, Julius Caesar, Charles the Great, Pope Innocent II, and Napoleon I. From Coudenhove-Kalergi's perspective, Russia was integral to Europe and, after a fleeting drop-out from the sphere of the European democracy, was to re-enter the Europe's political orbit. “It is quite possible that Russia will reunite with Europe someday and then it won't be the Urals – but the Altai Mountains – which will mark the frontier between Europe and Asia. Europe's border will thus extend to the Chinese and Japanese Empires and on to the Pacific Ocean,” wrote Coudenhove-Kalergi.

2. Coudenhove-Kalergi held that the political and economic integration could only materialize on the basis of common European culture which, by virtue of its existence, rendered meaningful the notion of the European nation. Regarding individual European nations as artificial, Coudenhove-Kalergi did not call for erasing the differences of linguistic or cultural character, but suggested that nationhood, like religion, should be separated from state. Under the arrangement, nationality was meant to become a private issue, and particular citizenship – to devolve into an impractical artifact.

3. According to Coudenhove-Kalergi, the problem of borders between countries would become solvable once individual citizenship recedes to the background. Specifically, Coudenhove-Kalergi urged Europeans to act with maximal devotion to have national borders removed, the point being that country borders must be downgraded to regional.

Oddly enough, Coudenhove-Kalergi did not elaborate in his main treatises – Pan-Europa (1923) and Practical Idealism (1925) - on the meaning of what he referred to as the common European culture. Practical Idealism, it must be noted, targeted a narrow audience1 and, as the overarching argument, pressed for Jewish spiritual primacy within the European civilization and, accordingly, for empowering the Jews as Europe's ruling elite. The conclusion found inescapable by the more discerning of Coudenhove-Kalergi's readers is that part of his role was to articulate the views and perceptions otherwise kept under wraps by various secret societies.

In a daring attempt to chart an alternative societal hierarchy, Coudenhove-Kalergi divided Europeans into the categories which he described as the “quantity people” and “quality people“, the latter being carriers of “a higher mission” from the ranks of “the feudal blood aristocracy” and “the Jewish spiritual aristocracy”. The mix was projected by Coudenhove-Kalergi to morph into Europe's new-age aristocracy within which Jews – due to their presumed “ethical basic attitude to the world” and unsurpassed mental sharpness – could expect to take the leading role. Jews, the “brain aristocracy” in Coudenhove-Kalergi's portrayal, were destined by the entire history to emerge as the governing force, in part because the race had been hardened under external pressure throughout centuries. “ the end from all these persecutions arose a small community, shaped by a heroically endured martyrdom for the idea and cleansed of all weak-willed elements and poverty of mind. Instead of destroying Jewry, Europe, against its own will, refined and educated this people into a future leader-nation through this artificial selection process. No wonder that this people, that escaped Ghetto-Prison, developed into a spiritual nobility of Europe,” loftily explained Coudenhove-Kalergi. The somewhat eclectic gallery of past and contemporary “nobility” as compiled by Coudenhove-Kalergi included LaSalle, Einstein, Bergson, and “the frontrunner of modern politics” Leon Trotsky.

The chosen few, if Coudenhove-Kalergi could be trusted on that, were thus entitled to oversee the less-merited “quantity people”. Coudenhove-Kalergi's depiction of an optimal future for those was another curious aspect of the philosophy: “The Eurasian-Negroid race of the future, similar in its outward appearance to the Ancient Egyptians, will replace the diversity of peoples with a diversity of individuals”.

Overall, Coudenhove-Kalergi's design sees an ethnically diverse “European nation” merge with a multitude of other races and ethnic groups to shed any trace of the original identity, while, as a parallel process, the traditional European elites vacate the leadership niche which should rightfully belong to “the Jewish spiritual aristocracy”. Interpreting the realities of his epoch, Coudenhove-Kalergi stressed that “Europe has been conquered religiously by Jews, - military by the Germanics” but expressed a hope that the West's ideals would change under the Jewish influence, so that “a pacified and socialized Occident will no longer need masters and rulers, - only leaders, educator, examples”. In other worlds, the political rule exercised by traditional elites would dissolve into thin air, with the Jewish spiritual authority remaining.

There is intriguing consonance between the vision laid out by Coudenhove-Kalergi and the ideas of Asher Zvi Hirsch Ginsberg, the godfather of Zionism known by his Hebrew name Ahad Ha'am. One is left with an impression that Coudenhove-Kalergi made a bold attempt to spell out the doctrine of the pre-state Zionist thinker to the European society, and - if this is the case – the motivation behind the political and financial support provided to the Pan-Europa movement by Louis Rothschild, Paul and Max Warburg, and Bernard Baruch whom he met in the US (where Coudenhove-Kalergi settled down when the Nazi rose to power in Germany) is easy to understand.

Though Coudenhove-Kalergi's blueprint for a united Europe was obviously taken seriously behind the scenes of world power, the plan could only switch to the practical phase in a distant future. Phasing out the nation-statehood as such took deep economic integration and financial centralization, the taming of national ambitions, and a long period of preaching to the Europeans that no viable alternative to the pan-European governance would ever loom on the horizon. The Nazi bid for the unification of Europe by military force was, actually, an effort to expedite the developments, in part by placing at the helm the type of characters with strong imperial inclinations. The German Nazi managed to integrate a considerable portion of Europe on the imposed terms of Berlin's pervasive financial control and took to shaping a “European nation” in line with their own preferences and perceptions. The Third Reich formulated an approach to the denationalization of Europe based on carving it up along ethnic or markedly archaic provincial borders, and the territories were to enjoy extensive cultural autonomies and even to regain the titles which had sank into oblivion since the Middle Ages. The contours of the Europe which was to result from the overhaul can be found on an SS map shown below.

The continuity between the policy and the transformations that are about to surface in today's Europe is striking. Moreover, quite a few of European nationalist parties achieving prominence amidst the current economic meltdown came into being in the 1930ies thanks to the assistance if not on direct orders from the Nazi.

Backed by the US, the Pan-Europa movement became hyperactive in the post-war era, helping the Atlantist elites which looked beyond the national confines of European countries get entrenched in the political establishment across the continent. With Germany neutralized politically and militarily but carrying on as the economic powerhouse of Europe, the US had no difficulty subduing the German political class, which was chronically embarrassed about the country's Nazi past, and mobilizing the German resources in the interests of the global financial elite. The somewhat paradoxical outcome was that, under the arrangement, the united Europe in the wake of World War II was still built by Germany, but in line with the prescriptions handed out by the Atlantist forces which even these days continue to supervise German policy-makers. The Pan-Europa movement, in the meantime, flourishes while the strings are being pulled from within the Bilderberg Club, which, for example, had installed Herman Van Rompuy as President of the European Council.

The ideas which can be traced back to Coudenhove-Kalergi's writings are being put into practice as nation-statehoods crumble and political borders fade across Europe, where demographic trends cause the share of Europeans in the overall population to shrink at a frightening rate and the “spiritual aristocracy” consolidates power. As the epic story unfolds, Europe's local communities – ethnic groups, regional movements, minorities from all walks of life – cater for the supranational elites, the interest being keen on both levels to undermine national sovereignties and centralized authorities.

Germany is given the central role in the reconfiguring of the European space. The points of the strategy are: (1) to maximally decentralize administration in individual countries, with most of the authority being passed to regional bodies; (2) to prop up trans-border regional formations whose very existence serves to erode country borders; (3) to make autonomy available to ethnic groups and to create conditions for the mushrooming of ethnic enclaves. Ad hoc organizations are in numbers in Europe to facilitate direct contacts between autonomous communities and the EU administration and, in the long run, to give them the key roles in European integration.

Belgium has a record of being used as a model European country where experimental patterns of federative statehood are tested for reuse on a wider scale. Importantly, Brussels hosts the bulk of the EU institutions which largely overshadow the lower-level Belgian federative peers, opening up to the country's autonomous communities - Flanders and Wallonia – ample opportunities to interface with the EU and leaving nominal powers to the central government. Over years, Flanders and Wallonia have increasingly been drifting apart, with their communications mostly converging on Brussels as the EU center rather than as the capital of Belgium. The country is plagued with never-ending government crises which further discredit the centralized administration and will some day culminate in the autonomies' divorce.

The New Flemish Alliance which recently posted a convincing win at the municipal elections is led by Bart De Wever, an outspoken globalist and separatist rolled in one, who is a member of the Greens – European Free Alliance (Greens – EFA) pressing for the autonomy of the ethic groups it represents. Its subscribers - Partit Republicà Català and the Scottish National Party – are also important players in the field of the European regional politics. The staples on the Greens – EFA agenda are to equip the EU with a bicameral parliament, to have Europe implement a common foreign policy, and to authorize regional administrations to handle infrastructural and other funds. De Wever's aide Eric Defoort has presided over the EFA since 2010.

Considering the political weight thrown behind Europe's pro-autonomy movement, no doubt is left that the decomposition of European countries into ethnic regions will accelerate in the foreseeable future, occasionally triggering instabilities and local conflicts of varying proportions. The wider program driving the evolution is to pop up in Europe a novel type of governance, decentralized, decoupled from national statehood, and extremely conductive to the economic and political expansion of transnational financial groups.


1. Nor references to Practical Idealism can be found on the site of the Pan Europa movement. A Dutch site says the book is informally banned in Europe. ( Coudenhove Kalergi. Praktischer idealismus. Adel – Technik – Pazifismus. Wien-Leipzig. 1925//

Republishing is welcomed with reference to Strategic Culture Foundation on-line journal

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