Further important information re Lord Kilmuir's letter

  • 0 Replies
  • 3114 Views

0 Members and 1 Guest are viewing this topic.

*

Offline the leveller

  • Global Moderator
  • *****
  • 4115
  • +75/-0
Further important information re Lord Kilmuir's letter
« on: May 11, 2016, 07:53:49 PM »
Dear All

I have found this little gem of information squirrelled away in the depths of my Cloud filing system.

 

It pinpoints exactly what tyranny was being thrust upon us by the various conniving factions of the treacherous 'In' campaign lead by the paedophile Ted Heath back in the early 70's:

 

"Entry into the Common Market: No loss of essential Sovereignty"

 

The Government White Paper on the EU Constitution, issued in September 2004, stated that: “The legal primacy of European law was accepted by Parliament when we joined the EEC”. Yet the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, Geoffrey Rippon, moving the motion on the 15th February 1972, for the Bill which took us into the EEC, said: “there would be no essential surrender of sovereignty…”. This mantra, in one form or another, was repeated throughout the campaign and the debates in Parliament. So we see a Government White Paper attempting to bury the truth. Nothing changes as we shall see.

 

It is typical of the contradiction between what Parliament and the public were told in the period leading up to the Parliamentary votes on the European Communities Act 1972 (ECA72) and the reality of what joining meant for British sovereignty. The effect on sovereignty was well known by the Government and its officials dealing with the issue, as are shown in the correspondence and reports of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), accessible through this narrative.

 

For instance, the now public and infamous document, FCO 30/1048 from 1971, ‘gives the lie’ to assurances given freely at the time. This document (including Dr Richard North’s accompanying commentary) is important to an understanding of the deception perpetrated on the British public; for example; we read in one paragraph: “To control and supervise this process [i.e. officials and negotiators are to assume political roles] it will be necessary to strengthen the democratic organisation of the Community with consequent decline of the primacy and prestige of the national parliaments”.

 

Elsewhere, Dr North writes; ‘and chillingly, these civil servants applaud the process. They ‘know’ [knew] what they have [had] to do’:

 

“The task will not be to arrest this process, since to do so would be to put considerations of formal sovereignty before effective influence and power, but to adapt institutions and policies both in the UK and in Brussels to meet and reduce the real and substantial public anxieties over national identity and alienation from government, fear of change and loss of control over their fate which are aroused by talk of the "loss of sovereignty”.

 

Other examples of the Government’s, and in particular, the FCO’s concealment of important knowledge they had of the implications for sovereignty and the Constitution of joining the EEC, is on record in the internal memos of the time. For instance memo from W J Adams head of the European Communities Information Unit (ECIU) to a Mr Morland of European Information Department (EID) demonstrated the wish to keep the true situation from becoming widely known: “…be aware of the Conservative Group for Europe’s wish to play down this issue as far as possible and reassure those people in Parliament and in the country who get emotional about loss of sovereignty”.

 

We shall see more of Mr Adams contempt for democracy and for the public that he was supposed to serve later in this account. It may be legal (even this aspect has been the subject of debate), but is it possible for anyone to seriously argue that our membership of the EU has real legitimacy?

 

The Players:

The players in this blessed plot (to use Hugo Young’s title to his book about our membership of the EU) to shoehorn Britain in at any cost were:

 

The BBC

Other visual media including ITV

The Press

Jean Monnet and his Action Committee for a United States of Europe

The European Movement (metamorphosing itself into ‘Britain in Europe’ during specific campaigns)

The Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) and particularly its Information

Research Department (IRD), led by the notorious Norman Reddaway

The FCO and its European Integration Department (EID)

The FCO and its European Communities Information Unit (ECIU), headed by

W J Adams – acting as a sort of information control.

Conservative Group for Europe

Some Conservative Ministers and MPs

Surreptitious involvement by Brussels through its London office.

 

And, for the opposition:

The ‘Keep Britain Out’ campaign, led by Christopher Frere-Smith

And individuals acting alone:

 

Enoch Powell, MP

Peter Shore, MP

Tony Benn, MP

Douglas Jay MP, father of Peter Jay, presenter of the BBC Money Programme until the 1990s.

 

The Public Campaign

There was little time to be wasted. Heath’s majority was small and the British economy was in poor shape with high unemployment, rising inflation and trouble from militant unions - the Heath Government could fall at any time. The Bill for accession to the EEC was to have its first reading in October 1971, just 15 months away, and there was much to be done. Ministers decided in June 1971 that they had “to convince members of Parliament that the tide of public opinion was moving in their favour”. Those were the days when MPs were more sensitive to the views of constituents.

 

The methods used by Heath’s Government, perhaps more than any others, precipitated the cynical attitude of people to politics and politicians that are current today, for Heath and his cohorts proceeded to use every trick in the book to turn public opinion to their way of thinking.

 

The Civil Service in action

The audio track, ‘A Letter to the Times’, highlights, perhaps better than ten thousand words, the work of the FOC’s Information Research Department (IRD) led by Norman Reddaway. Reddaway (deceased) had been an IRD, MI5/6 linkman in the destabilisation of Sukarno, the Indonesian President, in the 1960s. The department had its origins in the Special Operations Executive (SOE) in the Second World War. So IRD had a good pedigree when it came to subversion and it was, sadly, only too willing to use its skills on the home front to assist in the process of subsuming an unwilling people into an unaccountable European bureaucracy. Geoffrey Tucker (the one with the gravely voice), prominent on the track, was an advertising guru and Heath’s coordinator of the public propaganda campaign. Tucker the man interfacing between the EEC negotiating team in Brussels, the European Movement (part Government funded), IRD/FOC/MI5/MI6 (Norman Reddaway), the press and the visual media. In other words, he was a ‘mover and shaker’. It is perhaps remarkable that Heath, could, so soon after winning the 1970 election, mobilise the civil service so quickly and find so many ‘willing hands’ to participate in, to use Hugo Young’s phrase again, ‘this blessed plot’.

 

The programme of action (including orchestrating letters to the Times and other newspapers, written by the FCO for willing MPs to sign) was agreed at regular private breakfast meetings (paid from European Movement funds), and held in the Connaught Hotel, London. These breakfasts took place weekly throughout most of the campaign. The breakfasts were clearly central to coordinating the public campaign, allowing Government ministers and officials to meet journalists and media people secretly, from prying eyes. Indeed, they had much to hide, and those taking part, still alive today, would be most perturbed to learn that their participation was now public. Roy Hattersly was so disgusted at the conniving, outside of normal governmental practises, that he never attended again.

 

Those attending included, besides Geoffrey Tucker and Mr Garret his official coordinator: the head and director of public relations at Conservative Central Office, Ernest Wistridge (Director of the European Movement), Anthony Royle (ministerial coordinator), Geoffrey Rippon, Heath’s political secretary (Douglas Hurd, MP, now Lord Hurd of Westwell), The editor of the Economist, the Managing Director of ITN, The Managing Director of BBC Radio Ian Trethowen, the Head of Current Affairs BBC TV, the Secretary of State for Aims of Industry, the Secretary of the Industrial Policy Group, a Director of ORC, the Liberal Chief Whip, the Secretary of the Labour Committee for Europe, the Assistant General Secretary of the Labour Party and the personal assistant to Roy Jenkins.

 

We further learn, from the book ‘Britain’s Secret Propaganda War’, page 148 (see appendices) that people from the Brussels establishment also attended. A veritable roll-call of the ‘great and the good’. It is noticeable that Roy Hattersly’s name has been left off Anthony Royle’s list. He wisely placed himself outside the conspiracy as previously mentioned.

 

Geoffrey Tucker claimed that he kept a notebook with three important headings:

 

Objectives: "To convince MPs that the tide of public opinion is moving towards joining the EEC".

 

Method:"We must rely greatly on the fast media":

 

TV - News at 10

24 Hours

Panarama

Radio - World at One

Today

Woman's Hour

 

Marshall Stewart, then editor of the Today programme, cooperated fully with the Breakfast Club project, and may even have been one of the TV people present. In any case, we are told, the collaborators succeeded in getting an extra five minutes added to the Today Programme to broadcast pro-EEC  propaganda.

 

Nobbling

 

“Nobbling is the name of the game”, says Tucker. “This involved direct day by day communications between our people and media personnel; e.g. FCO and Marshall Stewart of the Today Programme”.

 

A major problem for the Government was that some of the presenters were unsympathetic to the ‘project’ and they decided that they had to be removed (i.e. no serious opposition was to be brooked).

 

The audio track reveals that Jack de Manio, presenter of the Today Programme was removed for his ‘anti-marketeer’ views. Ian Trethowen, a friend of Ted Heath, was the MD of BBC radio and no doubt cooperated with this.

 

The net result of ‘nobbling’ and propaganda was that a sceptical public, who were only 18% in favour of joining, with 70% against in December 1970, were for a short critical period, in July 1971, evenly balanced (51:49) for entry. This, together with other pressures (see later) on MPs, was enough to persuade them to vote for the motion to join the EEC.

 

The Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO)

 

Documentation reveals seven FCO departments involved in the campaign:

 

1. Information Research Department (IRD), were the lead department and have already been mentioned. Norman Reddaway headed IRD. This department was involved more than any other in the propaganda and disinformation effort and set out to undermine those trying to resist the Government’s campaign. It is clear from the documentation that Reddaway had no scruples about how he used the civil service to misrepresent the case for joining and to neutralise opposition.

 

In a memo of 30th September 1970, just three months after the general election, he wrote: “The discreet promotion of letters to the press through confidential brokers should now sharply increase……” and in the same memo: “BCEM [European Movement] liaison is likewise important”. There is much in the same vein accessible to the reader.

 

Reddaway is not reticent in using ‘Goebbel’s style conditioning’ on his own countrymen. In his memo entitled ‘THE MESSAGE’ of 10th September 1970, he writes: “The message should be coherent and simple. Repetition is essential”.  ‘THE MESSAGE’ (four pages) is an illuminating document and demonstrates that the art of spin preceded Alistair Campbell by several decades. Reddaway had worked out his own ideas about the benefits of membership. Whether or not he believed his own propaganda we shall never know. One suspects that, being an arch subversive, he did it for his own enjoyment and pleasure. The desire for truth and balance probably never entered into his head. Look at pages 1, 2 and 3 for details. IRD’s work output for the public campaign was quite phenomenal, they:

 

Wrote over 50 articles for national and regional newspapers

Wrote pamphlets for the Conservative Group for Europe

Kept a steady stream of letters and articles to the press from September 1970 until October 1971

drafted replies to over 2000 letters from the general public

prepared about 60 separate background briefs for speakers, journalists and politicians, in addition to providing general reference material and speaking notes

 

2. European Information Department (EID) drafted speeches and letters. They even drafted a speech for Mr Howell (MP) for the Labour party conference. The reader may wonder what was a government department doing writing party speeches, but this was a regular activity throughout the campaign.

 

3. European Communities Information Unit (ECIU) planned the ‘Information Effort in the UK’ as well as the ‘Information Effort overseas’. They also seemed to have a role in intelligence, in particular, seeking out those people ‘for and against’ so that action could be taken to enlist their support for the campaign or neutralise those thought likely to give trouble. For instance they carried out an operation on BBC Scotland and determined that “All those involved in News and Current Affairs are pro-Marketeers and we can depend upon them to press for as much time as possible”. So much for civil service impartiality. Also in the same letter ECIU writes: “I have written to the regional organiser of the European Movement in Edinburgh……”. This was an important operation for the FCO, because opinion was much more firmly set against entry in Scotland than the rest of the country.

 

Another ECIU letter shows that the unit was up to its neck plotting, and in particular, it organised speakers for recalcitrant MP’s constituencies and “A campaign of letter writing to MPs by constituents must also be promoted” As the expression goes: ‘I love my country but I fear my government’. “There was, in addition, regular contact between ECIU and the producers of major current affairs programmes” where their help was needed.

 

4.Guidance and Information Policy (GIP)

 

5. Information Administration Department (IAD) - information control in other words. This unit had the function of controlling the information output to the campaign, presumably to avoid inconsistency of message and to ensure maximum public impact. No doubt it was this department that suppressed FCO 30/1048 - the findings on the impact on sovereignty. The visits section of the IAD “launched a major programme of 1000 visits [paid for by the FCO – see elsewhere in this story] a year from Western Europe. These visits were aimed at creating favourable climate of opinion……..”.

 

6. Cultural Relations Department (CRD)

 

7. East/West Contacts and Student Welfare (EWCSW). This department was responsible for the British Council, which was itself active in the campaign. What student welfare had to do with the campaign is a question best left to the imagination but documentation makes references to campaigning in schools.

 

Broadcast Media Participation

“Mr William Whitelaw [President of the Council] said that he would have a word with the BBC about a lack of co-operation on their part”. Is this the respectable amiable Willi Whitelaw, one of Mrs Thatcher’s closest colleagues during her administration?

 

The actions of the press have been described elsewhere in this narrative, here we are interested in how the broadcast media (TV and radio) ‘rose’ to the challenge urged on by Government. At first TV, and radio, particularly the BBC, we are told, were cool to the campaign, needing to maintain impartiality as required in their charter. However, things changed rapidly under the onslaught from the FCO (in particular IRD). We are informed, in the audio track (‘A letter to the Times’), the “flood of letters” in the press, written by IRD’s officials and signed by MPs, induced a heightened interest. TV and Radio executives were invited to the strategic weekly breakfasts, which met privately at the Cannaught Hotel in London and where ministers, MPs, FCO officials and the European Movement collaborated with TV and Radio bosses to get the Government’s

message across (it could be added: ‘at all costs’).

The audio track, itself, speaks volumes. But we also know from Anthony Royle’s report - ‘Approach to Europe’, that the MDs of ITN and BBC Radio (Ian Trethowen) and the Head of Current Affairs BBC TV attended. It was Ian Trethowen, a friend of Heath, responding to pressure to remove ‘anti-Europeans’ who got rid Jack de Manio the Radio 4 presenter, because he was against joining the EEC.

 

That there may have been other removals or changes is indicated by Geoffrey Tucker of Conservative Central Office, who reported: “we are fortunate that communicators were now basically in favour of our entry. This had not been true a few months ago”. Royle tells us that Southern TV and Grenada accepted assistance and Scottish TV accepted pressure to do more generally. He also reports that: “Both television and radio, despite their rules of impartiality, were judged by the German Embassy, in a careful assessment in early August [1971], to be contributing importantly and favourably”.

 

Royle concludes: “The impact was immediate. Reports from all sources indicated a substantial favourable movement of public opinion”, and “It produced the desired tide of public opinion in favour, at the right time before MPs returned to their constituencies, and in particular before they entered the conference season in

September”.

 

The power of TV is well known, that is why TV attracts massive fees from advertisers. It is said that an advert for, say mars bars, will show an immediate threefold increase in sales following an advertising broadcast.

 

That the, independent (by statute) broadcast media colluded in the Government’s plan to deceive the public is a blot on that industry that remains to this day.

 

FCO Conspires to Neutralise the Keep Britain Out Campaign

Christopher Frere-Smith was the Chairman of the ‘Keep Britain Out Campaign’. The FCO took a dim view of the organisation’s presence in the campaign and were not interested in a level playing field, as internal memos and correspondence make clear.

 

Frere-Smith wrote to the FCO complaining of the lack of access to regulations and other instruments passed by the EEC. A lowly official, Mr Simcock, drafted a seemingly honest and satisfactory reply, listing the various locations where the documents could be viewed. He added, incorrectly that: “the instruments will naturally be amended where necessary to take account of British interests before accession to the Community”. Incorrectly, because the Government accepted a ‘fait accompli’, ‘a take the whole of it or leave it situation’. The Government desperate to get in this time, had singularly failed to negotiate the Treaty as promised in the Conservative Party election manifesto. This failure was the theme of speeches during the Parliamentary debates.

 

However, W K Slatcher, Simcock’s superior in EID, rejected his idea of cooperating with Frere-Smith and writing to his own boss suggests:

 

“In view of Mr Frere-Smith’s notorious anti-market activities [Having a view about entry and campaigning for that view in a so called democratic society was now beyond the pale], it does not seem incumbent upon us to tell him the full story of the adaptation of secondary legislation to British requirements nor of the preparation of authentic English texts of Community legislation”. Is this playing fair with a campaigning organisation who, were at that time, representing the majority of public opinion that was 70% against entry, with only 18% in favour? And one may well ask: whose side were these officials on?

 

Perhaps, if President Clinton were to comment, he might well say: Well, it was the ‘foreign

office’, stupid, that Frere-Smith was dealing with. Earlier, in that year Frere-Smith had requested a grant similar to that received by the European Movement for campaigning but was flatly turned down by the Secretary of State. In an internal memo of 6th April 1971, R A Fyjis-Walker of the Information Administration Dept wrote, in response to Frere-Smith’s request for information on grants to non-governmental organisations campaigning for entry: “I think we should if possible avoid itemising the organisations who have received support [taxpayers money] from the FCO, since Mr Frere-Smith is then likely to campaign against them

by name”.

 

So there it is; a civil service department paid for by taxpayers, who were required to be open, but were blocking access to vital campaigning information, blocking access to funding and denying information on funding to the ‘other side’, (which, as Anthony Royle’s account makes clear, was massive).

 

Tracking Enoch Powell

Conservative MP, Enoch Powell, was one of the most articulate and knowledgeable parliamentarians of the day and it annoyed the establishment that he worked tirelessly in attacking the Government’s EEC policy. Powell, fluent in a number of languages, carried out a programme of speaking engagements, both in Britain and EEC countries.

 

The establishment took a dim view, though, that an MP, and particularly one who was a member of the ruling party, should be seen to be speaking against Government policy abroad. Embassies in Europe were tasked with tracking Mr Powell during his speaking tour. There is a letter from the Bonn Embassy to the Frankfurt Consul

General which demonstrates that campaigning against entry, even abroad, is to be resisted: “If Mr Powell’s visit to Frankfurt generates publicity and you feel that there is any counter-action which can be put in hand from here in Bonn, please let us know”.

Shadowing of Powell continued with his visit to Turin, where we find the British Embassy in Rome (P F Hancock) writing to the FCO informing them that they have instructed the Turin Consul to attend Powell’s lecture - “as a silent observer and go to any other functions….. ”. Hancock also informs the FCO in the same letter that he had met an Italian deputy whom he had sent: “some general briefing, including ideas for a couple of awkward questions”. Back in Britain, Powell made a speech in East Ham which received prominent headlines in the national press. Mr Adams the FCO official that we have already come across, was incensed that he had not received advanced copy of the speech from the Conservative Party Central Office (CCO), which he suspected they were in possession of.

 

Mr Adam’s anger echoes down the years in his memo. He writes to Mr Hugh Jones whom he rebukes for not getting the speech from CCO…. “This is a bad state of affairs and I think we must now insist that the CCO and the Labour Committee for Europe let us have advanced press releases by anti-Europeans in their respective parties as soon as they can get hold of them.

 

Had we been given Mr Powell’s speech, we could have inserted a rejoinder in Mr Rippon’s speech yesterday”. This was an example of direct collusion between the FCO and the political machinery of the Conservative and Labour parties. Mr Adams had clearly lost his temper over the matter. Why else would he have put such damming material into the record? Also, we see his prejudices out in the open, with his use of abusive language, calling his opponents (70% of the population) ‘anti-Europeans’. In another memo (to the Parliamentary Unit) Mr Adams provides a response to a ‘sensitive’ parliamentary question from Mr Powell about FCO expenditure on informing the British public about the EEC: “The fact that one or two of these visitors [exchange of key figures between the UK and the EEC] have incidentally appeared on British radio and television is not something that we would want to be generally known. Otherwise we shall face the charge that this money is, in this indirect way, being used for propaganda purposes”. Mr Adams clearly demonstrates a hatred for any opposition to his little bureaucratic games and shows that he was prepared to go to any lengths to get the country into the EEC, no matter what the country may have wished. We see in this expose that he was not alone. What was it that motivated these people, causing them to raise their game to near fever pitch?

 

FCO - General Comments

At no time was our civil service, or the Government in general, concerned with providing the public with a balanced case of ‘pros’ and ‘cons’ for entry. This prejudiced attitude, unfortunately, has continued through successive governments down to this day. There is never a balanced discussion. Why? This has led to a deep mistrust of our rulers and a tendency to take what we are told with a large dose of salt. Turn-out in elections has fallen year on year and the attempt to raise voting levels by going over to postal voting has resulted in election fraud. It should be clear that there is one act, that would reverse the situation.

 

Jean Monnet and his Comité d’Action pour les État-Unis d’Europe

Jean Monnet, a supranationalist (never mind democracy) was ‘behind-the-scenes’ masterminding every stage of the European ‘project’, from the early 1920s until the 1970s. Contrary to the image projected in FCO documentation of Monnet as an avuncular figure, interested only in progressing Britain’s application for membership of the EEC, he was no friend of Britain. He had worked to ensure that Britain was kept out of the European Coal and Steel Community in the early 1950s, fearing that it would interfere with his supranational plans (see appendix - ‘historical background’). By the early 1970s, the Common Market of the six was well established, particularly the French designed Common Agricultural Policy (financial arrangements under the

Luxemburg Treaty being completed just prior to agreement for Britain's accession). It suited Monnet’s plans to have Britain join, albeit, on terms which can only be described as derisory, Britain’s fisheries being sacrificed as one of the prices to be paid and it is pretty clear from the records that the space programme was also sacrificed in the deal.

 

During the first six months of 1972, when the ECA(72) seemed certain to go through, we see Jean Monnet appearing on the British scene, (even though he had no official role in the proceeding), to facilitate the process and direct the country towards the next stage of integration. The tone of ministers’ and officials’ memos and correspondence demonstrate they were in some kind of awe of the man and, although they were not entirely happy with his involvement, obviously went out of their way not to upset him. Perhaps they feared that he had the power to sabotage entry, even at that late stage.

 

Those interested in the history of the period will find the documentation fascinating; fascinating in as much as it shows Government, whilst telling the nation that they were only to be participating in a trading arrangement, were, in fact, working on the next stages of integration.

 

There is correspondence on common European action in the monetary field (economic and monetary union), the EEC’s political prospects, social policy, European monetary fund (anticipating the establishment of a European Investment Bank (EIB)) and even correspondence on external (European) relations. Astounding, as it may seem, Monnet even involved himself in the nomination of British European Commissioners. Heath is quoted, in one memo: that Monnet’s idea on the development of employment policy, “merits further examination”. The mindset of the Government was clearly at odds with its presentation to Parliament and the public.

 

Alec Douglas Home, the Foreign Secretary, positively grovels to Monnet and in a letter to him writes: “But I would like to say how much I agree with the method which you recommend should be followed in promoting the process of European integration”.

 

This letter by, perhaps, the second most important person in the Government, shows it (the Government) had almost lost all self respect and was prepared to, on the one hand, secretly discuss European integration with a foreigner, whilst on the other, deceive the British public and Parliament over their true intensions. Surely historians writing of this time will regard it as one of the blackest times in the long journey of the British nation.

 

One must now ask: how can the results of this sad chapter in our history be reversed?

The British Council of the European Movement (BCEM)

(Usually known by its abbreviated name: European Movement (EM)) The United States Government, after the Second World War, covertly funded and encouraged, through its Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), an almost bankrupt European Movement, whose aim was the establishment of an integrated European nation.

 

Between 1949 and 1953 the CIA provided the Movement with known-of funds of some £20 million in today’s money. In addition CIA money was poured into the related European Youth Campaign until 1959 – see reference in the Appendices to the book ‘Gold Warriors’, an investigative account of Japanese gold acquired in SE Asia between 1895 and 1945, and the use made of it by the CIA (Professor Richard Aldridge’s book - ‘The Hidden Hand’).

 

The campaign to establish the foundations of a European State through the European Coal and Steel Community and subsequently the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1957 was successful on the continent of Europe. But there was little public interest in the UK for entry until Britain’s application to join in the early 1960s which ended with the French President, General de Gaulle’s veto in February 1963.

 

It was not until 1970 that a serious attempt at entry was tried again. But public opinion was strongly against, with polls in December 1970, just two years before we entered the EEC showing 70% of the people against with only 18% in favour. The Conservative Party, under Ted Heath, a EU-enthusiast, had been re-elected in the spring of that year (1970) and used every means, licit and illicit (if not illegal) to dragoon Britain into the Common Market. The subject of this section is the part played by the European Movement, The European Movement, led by Lord Harlech, was of immense value to Heath, in that it appeared unconnected with government presenting an image of itself as drawing support from ordinary members of the public, i.e. a sort of grass roots organisation. This image was far removed from reality.

 

The records make clear that the EM was an integral part of a highly effective governmental propaganda machine, collaborating (or colluding) to shoehorn the British people into the EEC, whether they liked it or not.

 

There was close coordination between Government departments and the EM (as well as the British Council and the Conservative Group for Europe). European Movement funding from the CIA, seems to have dried up by this time, but was now receiving regular funding from the Government by way of a FCO annual grant. Of perhaps even greater importance, was the fact that the EM attended most Government planning meetings held during the campaign.

 

The EM was proactive throughout the country and provided speakers for public and party political meetings and the FCO’s Information Research Department (IRD) was mobilised to provide ‘advice and help’ to them. The EM reported at one meeting (at the height of the campaign) in the Lord President's Office (William Whitelaw) that they were providing 600 speakers a month. At the same meeting the record also shows Norman Reddaway, head of IRD, was worried that, although they had ample capacity for producing letters for the campaign, it lacked the machinery to distribute them. The EM stepped in and undertook this work, receiving funding from the Government to do it – some grass roots organisation this. The IRD wrote letters for the EM to place in the press and the European Information Department were mobilised to “provide ideas for reply” the same morning to the EM, to letters from ‘antis’ appearing in the press.

 

The Government were also fearful that they might be forced to concede a referendum on joining the EEC. The EM, though, were geared up to “discredit it in advance” – so much for democracy.

 

The EM also colluded with Brussels. The London based EEC Information Unit, as a foreign organisation, could not get directly involved in the campaign, so the EM stepped in again, providing an indirect means for their involvement by “distributing their material” on a wide scale using “direct mail organisations to undertake the distribution”.

 

That the EM worked closely with the Government, as if a part of the Government’s machinery, is seen again in the post Campaign report of the 15th February 1972 made by Anthony Royle MP and FCO minister.

 

He reported: “The IRD/ECIU co-operation produced the basic material on which most of the subsequent productions were based – booklets, talking points, speeches, notes etc. Thus throughout the winter of 1970-71 all the infrastructure was laid down, the preparatory work initiated and the ground prepared for the European Movement in consultation with the FCO departments….

 

This preparatory work ensured that the Government’s open campaign [he means public campaign] was launched and carried out so effectively between July and October 1971”.

 

The report highlights the extra funding (tax money) gifted by the FCO during the campaign: “The FCO’s annual grant of £7,500 to the European Movement for its own visits programme was topped up several times, and smaller donations were made to other organisations”.

 

The report notes: The EEC’s London Information Office worked closely with the European Movement in promoting visits from this country to Brussels. These Brussels’ junkets for ‘soft’ targets, continue to this day.

 

The EM, presumably using Government money appointed a firm of advertising consultants “to organise an advertising campaign, and survey of public attitudes was commissioned. Corporate members [leaders of industry] of the Movement were asked to assist by including an EEC element in their own advertising”. The Times and British Leyland duly complied. The Movement’s advertising campaign reached a

climax in the period July-October 1970.

 

The report continues: “Between September 1970 [3 months after Heath’s election victory] and October 1971, IRD kept up a steady stream of letters and articles to the press, working closely with the European Movement, …”.

 

Today it is clear that the European Movement was an indispensable and integral part of the Government’s machinery. Since the Government was never able to persuade more than 51% (and only for a short few critical months at that) of the public the merits of joining the EEC, even though it was presented as just a trading block, it could never have achieved the narrow (favourable) vote in Parliament (majority of just 8) without the EM’s participation.

 

Anthony Royle concludes: “BCEM [EM] advertising in the national and local press, including articles and list of prominent supporters, was generally agreed to have been very effective……anti-referenda and other activities all made their contribution, particularly at grass roots level. The campaign for letters to MPs was limited. The other arrangements for letter to the press on the other hand [in which IRD helped] worked splendidly”.

 

The lavish financing of the Campaign, Royle reports, cost the Government about £711,400 of which about £250,000 went to the EM; huge sums for the time. These sums, of course, ignore the costs of civil servants and the effect of their diversion from normal activities.

 

So there we have it, the EM effectively a quasi-government department posing as a grass roots organisation (nothing has changed to day). They were (and still are) working to undermine the hard won freedom, justice and democracy of the country.

 

This is nothing short of scandalous, and moves should be made to have the EM publicly exposed for what it is and an audit should be carried out of payments made to all those members who have taken (and are taking) part in these appalling sorts of activities.

 

Participation by Brussels

That the EEC had the status of a foreign power and therefore, by convention, should not interfere in the affairs of another country, did not seem to bother them, or for that matter, the Heath Government.

 

We have seen earlier the interfering from Jean Monnet (and his Comité d’Action pour les Ètats-Unis d’Europe) and the willing collaboration of the Government through the FCO’s European Integration Department, but we also see the Brussels machinery involved, clandestinely, in the British public campaign.

 

Anthony Royle reports in his ‘Approach to Europe’, that: “The EEC’s London Information Office worked closely with the European Movement in promoting visits from this country to Brussels”. These all expenses paid trips, were gifted to those who were seen as susceptible to that sort of thing and who might help promote a pro-EU

line – beware of ‘Greeks bearing gifts’.

 

The European Communities Office in London was also not shy about providing pamphlets for the public information campaign, or the Heath Government concerned about it to happening.

 

The EEC Information Unit’s activities in the UK also figures in the record of the meeting of 31st March 1971 held in the Lord President’s office. The aforementioned Mr Adams, pointed out that, “the EEC Information Unit produced extremely good material but felt as a foreign organisation that it could not distribute it too widely”.

 

The Government’s willing and ‘illustrious’ BCEM, usually, present at top Government meetings, stepped in: “It was agreed that the BCEM should distribute the Unit’s material on a wide scale under its own auspices”.

 

Town Twinning

When the Heath Government was conspiring to smooth the way for Britain to join the Common Market in the early 1970s, there existed some bona fide twinnings between British and continental towns. The Government, however, saw in them a good opportunity to use them as a sort of ‘Trojan horse’ for propagandising a sceptical public into backing EEC entry. Anthony Royle, the FCO minister who boasted of the magnificent effort of the European Movement in the Government’s campaign to join the EEC, set about visiting French Mayors from the 27th October 1972. Although the Campaign had already been won and the European Communities Bill 1972 passed, the Government was concerned with keeping the public on side and preparing the ground for further integration (although the public were told nothing of this). In the memo on town twinning from the FCO’s European Integration Department (EID) to Norman Reddaway and others, the writer (J M Crosby) discloses the Government budget for this activity: “……and the note therefore concentrates on this element of the £6 million programme”. A huge amount in 1972.

 


 
Share this topic...
In a forum
(BBCode)
In a site/blog
(HTML)


SMF spam blocked by CleanTalk